Oaxaca’s APPO Forms Permanent Government, Announces Escalation of Resistance 3,000 Delegates Meet in the Midst of State Repression and Reorganize for the Struggle Ahead
By Nancy Davies Commentary from Oaxaca November 14, 2006 Three thousand Oaxaqueños responded to the first call of the Asamblea Popular de Pueblos de Oaxaca (Popular Assembly of the Peoples’ of Oaxaca, or APPO) on Friday, November 10, to forge a new constitution for Oaxaca.
Three thousand Oaxaqueños responded to the first call of the Asamblea
Popular de Pueblos de Oaxaca (Popular Assembly of the Peoples’ of Oaxaca,
or APPO) on Friday, November 10, to forge a new constitution for Oaxaca.
The APPO sprang into life in the two days following the attempted eviction
of striking teachers from their zocalo encampment on June 14, 2006. It has
guided the social movement in Oaxaca since then, and now self-dissolves in
favor of a permanent structure of government which includes an executive
and legislative branch. The provisional directorship dissolved on formally
initiating the work of the constitutive congress.
The new organ is the State Council of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples
of Oaxaca (CEAPPO, in its Spanish initials). It consists of 260
representatives of all the seven regions of Oaxaca. Forty seats were
assigned to the democratic teachers union. The CEAPPO also includes
merchants, students, bus and taxi drivers, unions, women, non-governmental
organizations, political parties and social groups. Honorific spaces were
reserved for the political prisoners. All members of CEAPPO have the same
rights and obligations.
Between 800 and 1000 (depending on sources) delegates from neighborhoods
and barricades, political and social organizations joined arrivals from
the seven regions of the state. Another 100 invited persons joined them,
wearing yellow guest badges. The sixty or so national and international
press people who also showed up were not permitted into the working
sessions headed by members of APPO’s provisional directors, which include
Flavio Sosa Villavicencio, Zenén Bravo Castellano, Rosendo Ramírez Sánchez
and Marcos Leyva Madrid. Zenén Bravo was selected as president of the
council. The men were nominated by a plenary, along with two
vice-presidents and four recorders.
The meetings were held in the auditorium of the Hotel Magisterio, which
was also the venue for the meeting with Delegado Zero of the Other
Campaign when the Zapatistas visited Oaxaca last February.
CEAPPO has formed in the face of the extreme repression currently underway
by the governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, who operates both through his PRI and
paid henchmen and police in civilian clothes. The spirit of the CEAPPO is
revolutionary, in a pacific, democratic and humanistic stance which is
openly anti neoliberal and based on the traditional people power shown in
usos y costumbres (“uses and customs”), a method of governing which is
open and face to face. Ample provisions for recall of officials, referenda
and plebiscites are included in the form of the council.
In content, CEAPPO supports economic social justice, equality of persons,
respect for differences, respect for the rights of women, respect for
indigenous people and their autonomy, and development in benefit of the
peoples of Oaxaca with high concern for sustainability and renewable
resources.
The gathered constitutive congress met for three days. On Friday the work
began on the registration of delegates from different organizations and
community leaders, as well as participants on the barricades which the
APPO designed after June 17. Registration took the whole day Friday, and
so little time was left for work sessions that the meting adjourned.
At the initial meeting of the first night’s constitutive council, which
was heavily dominated by men, the women present protested vigorously.
Ultimately it was decided that a minimum of 30 percent of the permanent
council will be women. The sessions were all lively, with booing down of
objectionable suggestions and cheers for good ones – participative
democracy.
On Saturday, some 600 delegates defined the statues, the declaration of
principles and the program of action for the new body as well as electing
the permanent directors who will function in a role akin to an executive
department.
Working Sunday and throughout the night, by dawn the congress had
elaborated its new plan of action, which includes continuing the struggle
to unseat the governor Ulises Ruiz. The departure of Ruiz is “not
negotiable.” Activities were outlined, such as putting up more blockades,
and renewing the mobile brigades. This has to take place within the
uncertainty of the occupying forces of Federal Preventive Police (PFP),
who may or may not be withdrawn, and with the dirty war underway.
The Oaxacan movement will also send a delegation to Mexico City on
November 20 to participate in the protest of former presidential candidate
Andrés Manuel López Obrador, but only as a symbolic expression of the
struggle for democracy. The APPO also agreed to protest the inauguration
of Felipe Calderon if URO doesn’t leave before December 1.
At the first meeting, on Friday, the APPO reiterated, “The conditions
don’t exist for a return to classes.” Nevertheless, about 70 percent of
teachers are returning. Some remain in the encampment in Mexico DF. It is
expected that returns will be phased in during next week , with the avowed
purpose of teaching about what happened in Oaxaca and the popular
movement. While URO remains in power, this maybe very dangerous work.
While the congress was gathering for its first day of meetings, the zocalo
was occupied by the Federal Preventive Police, and the tourist area was
occupied by the APPO and teachers who won’t return to classes while danger
exists. During the time period of November 1 to November 10, about 49
students and APPO leaders were snatched off the street without warrants by
men in civilian clothing who drove unmarked automobiles. Among the
apprehended were two minors. Civil rights violations perpetrated by the
government included entering private homes without warrant to arrest the highly visible people of the APPO and the teachers.
Although Human Rights organizations demanded to know where and who was being held, or an account for the dead, it was not offered.
Seeking safety, the most visible of the APPO and teachers
threatened asked
for sanctuary within the church and were granted it by the
church official
Wilfredo Meyran, who a day later was overridden by the
bishop of Oaxaca,
Jose Luis Chavez Botello. The bishop, in a news conference,
declared that the church was devoted to the kingdom of heaven and could
not get involved in earthly politics. Meyran is a long-time ally of former
bishop of Chiapas Samuel Ruis, and appeared with him when Ruiz was in
Oaxaca in
support of the APPO.
University classes were scheduled to resume on Monday, but many did not due to the violent conditions around the university campus. Some professors decided it wasn’t safe; some students made the same decision.
At the same time, the static blocking of Radio Universidad
continued, and
the blockade of University City was maintained, so that in
effect the
information coming from the APPO was unavailable. The radio
broadcasters were unable to leave University City for fear of their
lives, and remained, living inside the autonomous area.
Radio Ciudadano, also known as Radio Patito, continued
broadcasting names of the movement adherents as well at those of teachers, with
suggestions to capture or harm them. This station is generally regarded
as supported by the PRI government. The names of the Radio Universidad
broadcasters are well known and have been made public. Human rights protests
to prevent thepro-government station from issuing threats have been
ignored. By the end of the week, November 10, the Radio Universidad signal was
completely
blocked.
At virtually the same time, a nationwide National Assembly,
modeled after
the APPO, is being constructed. The national convention of
state delegates
will take place in Mexico City on the 18th and 19th of
November. It will
analyze the national situation, the actual situation of the
member
assemblies, establish its own form and rules, and plan its
national
action. To date, about twelve states are expected to send
delegates to the
Asamblea Popular
de Pueblos de Mexico, the APPM.
Although Ulises Ruiz in Oaxaca tries to portray in the
mainstream media
that all is returning to normal (the PFP boys eat popsicles
while standing
on guard blocking entry to the zocalo) my personal
observation as your
commentator is that the movement will remain active and
resolute.


